| Introduction | Chapters: 1  2  3  4  5 | Conclusion | Epilogue |

 

Conclusion.

 

 

As has often been stressed in this study Hamas was not born in a vacuum, it evolved as a by-product of events, circumstances and thoughts. As a movement it has played a pivotal role in creating those events, circumstances and thoughts.

 

Dynamics behind the launching of the movement and the consequences its ideology and performance have created became intertwined, in the process influencing domestic, regional and international political life.

 

Were it not for the fact that Hamas leaders are perspicacious strategists it would have been difficult, if not impossible, to organize a movement with such convincing appeal to a wide spectrum in Palestinian society in particular and Arab/Islamic society in general.

 

The complexity of the conditions which triggered the formation of the movement obviously led Hamas founders to create an equally complex strategy based on pragmatism and realism. Pragmatism appears in their painstaking efforts to provide rationality for their view of the world, religious ideology is effectively used to construct a political program and social and economic conditions are employed to generate public support. Realism on the other hand is unmistakably clear in Hamas official pronouncements - in the covenant as well as in its various leaflets. Conflict is essential to the realization of the goals of the movement and power is the tool to bring about the desired change - military power, economic power and the power of articulation.

 

Because of the complexity of the conditions in the midst of which Hamas found itself evolving and because of the complexity of the strategy it had designed, the movement seems to be adaptable to circumstances. It is quite easy to dismiss its leaders and activists as crazed zealots. The fact of the matter is, however, that the leaders and the activists of the movement are to a great extent a group of articulate, learned and highly organized individuals with a clear vision of life.

 

Their appeal cannot be underestimated. When confronted with questions they present both sides of any argument and express understanding for the other side. Furthermore, they take pains to express rationality and fairness and don't give a word of condemnation without a counterbalancing word of praise. They have been and remain far reaching in their effort to publicize their teaching and do not miss any opportunity that can be used in some way to put them in a good or rational light.

 

However moderate and reasonable they project themselves to be, their declared objective of establishing an Islamic state in Palestine cannot be dismissed simply as rhetoric.

 

If their influence is to be viewed with sincerity and clarity then a countervailing and more effective strategy than theirs is needed. Unless the current political process bears some fruit their presence will be more widely felt.

 

Paralysis and frustration negatively impact Palestinian society. For Hamas a worsening state of affairs arms it with more power to advance its cause.

 

This author cannot help but recall what one interviewee from the Gaza Strip, who also requested to remain anonymous, said in December 1993: [142]

 

Hamas, is in some ways, like any other movement. Its support can decline and increase, its role can be momentous or unnoticeable. In some other ways however, Hamas is different from all other movements. Not all who join it are necessarily strictly observant Muslims or fully believe in all of its goals. Many people, particularly those who represent the young generation, decide to join the movement because they feel that it is the only forum which now offers them some hope which they badly need in order to keep their psyche intact. More and more average individuals express support for Hamas with many of them previously identified with what is commonly known as the Nationalist bloc.

 

He went on to say:

 

I have always personally identified myself with Fateh but many like me in Gaza find it more appealing to join the ranks of a movement which somewhat speaks and acts on their behalf.

 

Another pertinent quote was given by a Palestinian woman:

 

When it comes to the killing of children, the blowing up of homes, the transfer of our nation, we are all Hamas. [143]

 

Finally, the question of Jerusalem, as exemplified by Bitawi previously, is one over which Hamas will always have a very strong argument. It is their stand on this matter which is very likely to gain support from those who are ostensibly `moderate' in their other political views.

 

| Introduction | Chapters: 1  2  3  4  5 | Conclusion | Epilogue |



[142] Interview conducted with a young man from the Gaza Strip in December 1993. The interviewee was a university graduate who was working in a field far removed from his specialization.

 

[143] Usher. Graham, "The Human cost of "flushing out" Hamas." Middle East International. No. 445 - 5 March 1993. pp 20.